The Beninese lawyer Moudjib Djinadou runs a new think tank, the Itumò Institute. He has published a new essay, *L’Afrique renégate*.
What have you learnt from your experience on the ground at the heart of African crises?
I have faced humanitarian crises, particularly whilst working for the UNHCR, and subsequently political crises. These two types of crises continue to shape life on our continent and inform my thinking. My conclusion is that the paths Africa has taken do not necessarily lead to development.
No one will find the right model for Africa in place of Africans themselves. Models suited to the continent will be found by Africans themselves. However, we must recognise that the paths taken so far are not necessarily the ones that serve us best. It is high time to act. There are already numerous initiatives across the continent; Africans are not apathetic; the credit for this goes in particular to civil society! On the other hand, political governance remains focused on its own ecosystem, and the links between these initiatives and decision-makers remain insufficient to transform them into policies capable of driving the continent forward. Despite this, I remain optimistic.
Despite some progress, the continent seems to be facing the same difficulties.
I think we have even taken a step backwards! There was more hope fifty years ago than there is today. There are no doubt a thousand reasons for this, but the constant factor is that we have not developed the capacity to manage our raw materials.
Sovereignty, which we rightly claim, is above all economic. It cannot be purely political, nor can it be reduced to slogans expressing our frustration, however justified it may be. The real question is: ‘ What do we do with them? ’ Until we have developed the necessary capabilities to build a self-sufficient economy, capable of making decisions independently, we will not be fully sovereign.
Should we go through pan-African or regional institutions?
I am in favour of institutions. However, we must identify the difficulties faced by sub-regional institutions, such as ECOWAS, or continental ones, such as the African Union. These challenges are inherent in their supranational nature. It is easier to manage a national institution, which is answerable to a single government, than a supranational institution.
Having attended several ECOWAS summits, I can say that there is a willingness to move things forward. In my view, the problem is that good initiatives often come up against resistance from the Conference of Heads of State. I am not questioning their commitment, but the fact that the ECOWAS Commission is subordinate to this conference sometimes leads to decisions that are not in line with the policies it would like to implement.
You are engaged in a process of reflection. How can these ideas be put into practice?
Your question can be approached in two ways. One could list a whole host of projects – and there would be many. Or one could focus on the root cause of the problem: in my view, it is education, the school system. I would argue that the more we go to school on this continent, the less we know about ourselves.
It is unthinkable that a civilisation or culture could progress without knowing its own history, its own values and its own capabilities, or without seeking to improve, develop and modernise them.
Africa’s cultural alienation is evident. In itself, it is not necessarily a bad thing. No civilisation has developed ex nihilo . Today’s great powers have built themselves up by drawing inspiration from other civilisations, sometimes even by force.
China, for example, sent its students across the world to acquire knowledge. Similarly, the slave trade provided a labour force that contributed to the economic development of both the East and the West. Cultural influences are therefore an advantage.
On the other hand, our mistake has been to forget who we are, instead adopting almost entirely the values, customs and reference points of others. We shall never make progress unless schools educate Africans to understand their history, their values and their heritage. They must understand that they are the custodians of rich cultures, strong traditions and states that were organised and powerful in their own right.
The history of our continent is a history of power. Yet our education systems often continue to repeat historical narratives without addressing the debates surrounding them. Take the example of Christopher Columbus: in Africa, we are taught that he discovered the Americas, without being shown the research suggesting that African explorations may have preceded his arrival. Schools should convey these debates so that young Africans understand that they are the heirs to a historical legacy of power and that their history does not begin with the encounter with the West or the East.
This, in my view, is the real shortcoming. We produce graduates, PhD holders and professors, but many remain profoundly ignorant of their own history.
In which areas should Africa begin to structure its development?
Industrialisation is the most crucial issue for Africa. For us Africans, it means, above all, the processing of our raw materials. We have never managed to achieve this, for many reasons. Whilst our economists advocate industrialisation, they do not follow their reasoning through to its logical conclusion as Africans. I would even go so far as to call this a form of betrayal on their part.
You have published *L’Afrique renégate* , *Il suffira d’être Africain* . What does this subtitle mean?
Economically speaking, too, I get the impression that our economists – precisely because they advise our leaders – have not thought things through to their logical conclusion. Industrialisation means not only the processing of our raw materials, but also the ability to control the mechanisms of debt. I feel that many of our economists remain within a framework inspired by Keynesian theories, designed for industrialised European societies in times of crisis.
These policies may work in industrialised and relatively homogeneous economies. This is not the case for many African countries, whose economies remain largely rural and under-industrialised. Even today, we are still using these methods to stimulate growth through consumption. However, we do not have a sufficiently developed industrial base. When we build infrastructure, we still import a large proportion of the necessary materials and equipment. This system cannot, therefore, function in the same way. We must focus our efforts on our capacity to create and produce.
Africa needs partners more than ever to ensure its development. How should we choose them?
Economic partners seek, above all, to maximise their own profits. They will therefore not automatically adopt an African perspective. We must recognise that there is not just one Africa, but a multitude of realities. Partnerships based on a ‘win-win’ approach may exist, but it is up to Africans to take matters into their own hands. If we can clearly define what we want and stand up for it, whilst proposing projects that do not disadvantage our partners and also bring them benefits, they will work with us.
If they often have the upper hand today, it is because we have not defined our own priorities with sufficient clarity. What we are seeking must, above all, benefit our people. I also get the impression that African governments are focusing their efforts more on the major cities. Yet, as soon as you leave the capital cities, the disparity becomes apparent. A nation comprises its entire population, not just a part of it.
Have development and regional planning never been put into practice?
Admittedly, a great deal of effort is being made in several countries, particularly in my own, Benin. The same is true at the ECOWAS level, which is developing transport corridors, even though a large proportion of their funding comes from abroad. The African Development Bank is also doing a great deal, even though it still relies on external funding for nearly 40 per cent of its resources. I see many contradictions here; as money is the lifeblood of any endeavour, the fact that we do not have it from the outset means that everything we do is somewhat compromised.
It seems to me that foreign investment should not be the be-all and end-all of our development. It should be a step along the way, not the starting point. We must first create the conditions for our own development, then consider how to mobilise investment. Many projects are dictated by investors; I’m not sure that’s the right approach.
Yet we have several development models to draw on, particularly in Asia.
In those countries, modernity is the result of updating their traditions. If we wish to follow their model, this is what we must do: update our traditions, our customs and our realities. I am not asking for us to go back to the Stone Age! In India, as in China, we see extraordinary modernity, yet it is clear that it springs from the very essence of these countries. The disconnect we have with our own realities, despite ourselves, is something we must rectify.
Africa is characterised by great human, cultural and linguistic biodiversity. Yet its many languages are under threat from a drive towards standardisation. Should we not be considering a new approach?
The African Union has declared that Swahili could become a unifying language. That is not a bad thing.
But we still need the will to do so and to be convinced that it is useful, necessary, even indispensable. Nigeria, for example, has recognised four major language groups. If you are Hausa and you go to school in a Yoruba-speaking region, you learn Yoruba at school. There may be variations, but it all comes down to will.
I find it frustrating to see that some South American countries are now teaching African languages as part of the formal education system, whilst we ourselves are not doing enough in this regard.
Admittedly, there are many day-to-day challenges, and this issue may seem secondary. Yet this is the very essence of our identity: language is what makes us proud of who we are and inspires us to look to the future.
Do you believe in an Africa of solutions, capable of coming up with its own answers?
Yes and no; I can’t give a clear-cut answer! Once again, we need to understand who we are and dare to act in accordance with our values. I dream of the moment when the vast majority of Africans would go out into the world, where they would be shown a way of doing things and would say: “ That’s all very well, but we do things differently .” That’s not the case. As soon as we’re shown a way of doing things, we adopt it. If school doesn’t teach us to become Africans, I can’t be optimistic.
The key, for me, is school, learning and training. It is about realising who we are and the desire to improve who we are, to bring it up to date. It’s true, this is a long-term endeavour, a process of transformation, assimilation and ownership.
No one will find the model for Africa in place of Africans themselves. Models compatible with the continent will be found by Africans themselves.
Today, is the Pan-Africanism that you seem to embody merely a dream, or is it a realistic ambition?
Because it’s you, I’ll accept the term ‘Pan-Africanist’! I’m not sure I am one, because words aren’t neutral; they have meaning. Pan-Africanism is an overused term. It has become more of a slogan than anything else. In any case, pan-Africanism is a sentiment. Yet a sentiment that is not put into action means nothing.
Nowhere on the Itumò Institute’s website is there any mention of pan-Africanism. Instead, we talk about trans-Africanism, that is to say, exchanges between Africans. Pan-Africanism is a noble sentiment, but it is not innate.
Regarding this think tank , how do you intend to structure its themes and provide the expertise needed for it to be effective, without duplicating what already exists?
You are right; there are already African think tanks doing excellent work. We therefore complement their efforts. The Itumò logo is a drop of water: this signifies that we are contributing our drop of water to what is already being done. It is an inclusive endeavour. In my view, the project has already begun to succeed. We have set up a system for monitoring certain themes – a sort of intellectual watchtower from which we observe the commitments made by states and institutions, whether regarding the single currency, education, governance or the African Union’s Agenda 2063. We conclude from this, which we make available to decision-makers: another small contribution to support their work!
In collaboration with Alaei Aboussikine.
The post Let’s rediscover what it means to be African appeared first on New African Magazine .
Let’s rediscover what it means to be African
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