Sudan Nashra: Military moves ahead with allied forces integration, Juba armed movements scramble to secure political guarantees | RSF introduces emergency internal measures across Darfur amid wave of defections | Darfur’s Jebel Marra grapples with disease outbreaks | UAE, Burhan representatives meet in Bahrain amid Egyptian-Turkish de-escalation push, sources skeptical of breakthrough
Subscribe to our Lens on Sudan newsletter here . The military has begun implementing plans to integrate allied fighting forces into the state’s security institutions this week. The armed movements signatory to the 2020 Juba Peace Agreement, however, are still attempting to secure political guarantees before fully committing to the process, fearing that once their forces are absorbed into the military structure, the leverage that sustained their political influence would disappear with them. According to sources in the movements, the military has so far resisted signing any binding arrangement guaranteeing the groups continued representation within state institutions after the war. Instead, Chief of Staff Yasser al-Atta has pressed ahead with implementation, bypassing bureaucratic procedures that might slow it down while cutting off the political leaders of the armed movements from battlefield coordination, sources in the military and the movements told Mada Masr. As the military races to merge allied forces into a centralized structure, the Rapid Support Forces are scrambling to prevent its own ranks from splintering. The paramilitary group put its forces under stricter security measures across Darfur this week in the face of successive high-profile defections. Earlier this month, RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo convened extensive meetings, where the leadership laid out sweeping measures aimed at tightening oversight and preventing further dissent, RSF sources told Mada Masr. As authority was consequently consolidated within a narrow circle tied to the Dagalos and powers long exercised by field commanders were stripped away, resentment spread through the ranks, the sources said. A senior RSF commander told Mada Masr that a climate of suspicion now hangs over leadership circles in Nyala, with growing concern that hidden understandings could suddenly pull fighters away from frontlines while the group prepares for major confrontations. Away from the internal turmoil gripping Nyala, another emergency is quietly unfolding in the mountains of Darfur’s Jebel Marra. The region, controlled by the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Abdel Wahid Nur , has been a refuge for hundreds of thousands fleeing violence across Darfur. But it is now reeling from growing disease outbreaks as residents remain trapped between collapsed healthcare services and near-total isolation. Residents who spoke to Mada Masr described growing panic as infections spread through overcrowded communities with almost no functioning medical facilities or medicines available. They called on humanitarian groups and health authorities to intervene urgently before the outbreak spirals further out of control. But even if agencies attempt to reach the area, Jebel Marra’s isolation — imposed both by its rugged terrain and RSF restrictions on surrounding access routes — means only limited aid is likely to get through. Amid Sudan’s worsening epidemic outbreaks, a senior Cabinet official who accompanied Prime Minister Kamel Idris to Ankara this week told Mada Masr that Turkish and Sudanese officials agreed to establish an urgent humanitarian air and sea bridge to deliver medicine and relief supplies to military-controlled areas. The talks also focused on implementing signed economic and infrastructure agreements, including projects tied to reconstruction efforts and banking and trade arrangements aimed at easing shortages of strategic goods. Ankara’s expanding footprint in Sudan has positioned it to play a crucial role in facilitating recent mediation between Khartoum and Abu Dhabi, the RSF’s main backer, amid an Egyptian push to ease tensions between the two governments, according to Egyptian officials and a Europe-based researcher informed on the talks. An Egyptian official told Mada Masr that President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi was concerned by the implications of Ethiopia becoming increasingly drawn into the war after the recent drone strikes on Khartoum and subsequently pushed for de-escalation. The latest round of talks was held in Bahrain earlier this week, though the meeting — described by the Egyptian official as “exploratory” — did not involve high-level representation. According to a source close to Sudanese Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief and Transitional Sovereignty Council Chair Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who did not confirm the meeting, backchannel communications with the United Arab Emirates have never stopped, but they are being carried out by individuals acting of their own personal initiative. These individuals communicate with Burhan, the source added, who listens as he is open to any initiative that will end the war. Sources expressed serious doubts that the talks would make way for a significant breakthrough, as both sides remain adamant about their conditions — Khartoum wants Abu Dhabi to cease all forms of support for the RSF, and Abu Dhabi wants a new, non-Islamist face that would yield to its interests in Sudan. As quiet diplomatic efforts unfold amid mounting regional worries, people on the ground remain caught in a war that continues to choke off access to even the most basic necessities. In South Kordofan’s Dalang, months of RSF attacks on supply convoys and repeated battles over surrounding roads have left civilians struggling to secure food and essential goods. This week brought a measure of relief after the military recaptured the strategic Takma area linking Dalang with Habila to the east. The move restored a key logistical route to the military’s 54th Infantry Brigade stationed inside the city and reopened a corridor through which commercial goods and humanitarian supplies could enter Dalang. Videos released by military soldiers showed truck convoys arriving in Dalang and Kadugli to celebrations from residents. But while one route reopened in South Kordofan, another civilian lifeline was disrupted further west. Coordinated military drone strikes across West Kordofan hit several towns earlier this week, with one strike landing in Ghabish ’s main market during its busiest hours. Sources who spoke to Mada Masr said dozens of people were killed or wounded in the attack, while a former official from the town said the market was shut down. *** Military moves ahead with allied forces integration, Juba armed movements scramble to secure political guarantees Justice and Equality Movement Leader Gibril Ibrahim and Sudan Liberation Movement Leader Minni Arko Minnawi attend the signing of the Juba agreement, August 2020. Photo: Reuters. Two months after plans to integrate all forces that fought alongside the military during the war into the state’s security institutions were announced, the Sudanese Armed Forces began moving forward with the implementation phase this week. However, the armed movements signatory to the 2020 Juba agreement, most notably the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement, continue to try to ensure political guarantees before fully agreeing to the integration. Those efforts have been met by a refusal from the military to sign any arrangement, sources in the groups told Mada Masr. The accelerating rollout was first announced in March by then-Assistant Commander-in-Chief and newly appointed Chief of Staff Yasser al-Atta. For years, much of the groups’ influence within the state rested not only on the political entitlements secured under the Juba agreement, but also on their control over armed forces and mobilization networks. Military and political sources told Mada Masr in March that many leaders feared that rapid integration, if carried out without a political settlement, could dissolve that leverage entirely. When the military, under Atta’s direction after he assumed office in late March, moved quickly to formalize implementation on the ground, the movements simultaneously began scrambling to secure guarantees that integration would not come at the expense of the political influence they were granted. Over recent weeks, major signatory groups intensified backchannel consultations and negotiations with the military-led Transitional Sovereignty Council to ensure the movements’ continued roles within the state, an official in the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Darfur Governor Minni Arko Minnawi told Mada Masr. And on Monday, the Justice and Equality Movement formally requested the activation of the Juba agreement’s wealth and power-sharing provisions, describing it as “currently implementable,” in an attempt to argue that implementing the security arrangements also requires the state to move forward with the agreement’s other commitments. So far, however, those efforts have yielded nothing. According to a senior official in the Justice and Equality Movement, led by Finance Minister Gibril Ibrahim, the military — despite engaging in “exploratory negotiations” with the armed movements — has resisted signing any formal arrangement guaranteeing the groups continued representation within the TSC, federal ministries and Darfur’s regional administration after the war. In parallel, Atta moved to separate the military and political tracks altogether. After assuming the post of chief of staff, Atta pursued a “circumventing” approach, cutting off the political leaderships of the armed movements from the battlefield by shifting coordination toward commanders of the allied forces fighting alongside the military on the ground, a source close to Minnawi’s office told Mada Masr. Direct communication channels were established between joint force field commanders and military command and operations rooms, channels overseen by joint force operations commander Abdallah Gana, according to the source. For many commanders on the ground, the arrangement offered immediate advantages. Integration into military operational structures brought legal cover, financing and logistical support at a time when maintaining autonomous fighting forces has become increasingly difficult, the source said. The result has been a fait accompli imposed by the military through direct bargaining with field commanders and the exploitation of their operational needs, widening the gap between the movements’ military and political wings. And thus, political leaders watched many of their fears begin to materialize. According to the senior JEM source, the deepest anxieties are concentrated among civilian elites who command no fighters directly and fear eventual “political dispossession” once legitimacy and authority shift toward commanders incorporated into the state military structure. As apprehension over integration mounted over the past weeks, the Democratic Bloc — the coalition that serves as the military-led government’s main political base and includes several major armed movements — moved in late April to formally adopt internal statutes and organizational mechanisms after years of operating without a structure. The move effectively created a separate political umbrella through which the movements hope to shield their constitutional and political entitlements from the pressures of battlefield integration. The military leadership, meanwhile, appears determined to keep the process moving quickly. A source at the General Command told Mada Masr that specialized military and intelligence committees have already been deployed to field camps and frontline positions as part of practical measures designed to bypass the lengthy timelines and bureaucratic hurdles that traditionally accompany security integration efforts. *** RSF introduces emergency internal measures amid wave of defections Screen grab from a video showing RSF fighters operating in Darfur, November 2023. Courtesy: Asharq Al-Awsat. Facing a series of high-profile defections and growing unrest within its ranks and tribal constituencies, the RSF leadership has imposed a state of maximum military emergency internally across Darfur. The state of emergency enforced this week is one of the outcomes of lengthy meetings held earlier in May in Nyala between RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, sector commanders and security officials, a senior RSF military source told Mada Masr. Those meetings concluded with a sweeping restructuring of the group’s command leadership, followed by the rollout of security and organizational measures that significantly scaled back the authority and movements of field commanders — an attempt by RSF officials to tighten control and guard against further dissent. But according to RSF sources, the measures have instead deepened resentment among commanders and fighters. Already navigating a fragile balance between military loyalties and tribal allegiances, the RSF found itself mired in a deepening crisis after its bloody February raid on Mostariha, the North Darfur stronghold of Mahamid tribal leader Musa Hilal. The operation and its aftermath intensified disputes with Darfur’s most influential tribal leaders and stirred anger among tribal constituencies, setting off a cascading wave of dissatisfaction and defections within the paramilitary group. The first major rupture came in April with the declared defection of Mahamid tribal figure and RSF field commander Al-Nour “Gubba” Adam and his forces to the military, followed by immediate clashes between his forces and the RSF as well as growing operational coordination with the military. The RSF leadership moved quickly to try and contain the fallout. Under the measures introduced earlier this month, field commanders were subjected to severe movement restrictions while communications and operations rooms were brought under direct intelligence supervision, a commander in the RSF’s First Shield Brigade said. Unauthorized Starlink devices were confiscated, while special security supervisors were deployed inside morale rooms to monitor signs of dissent or contact with defectors or the joint force of the military-allied armed movements, they added. The restructuring also stripped axis and sub-sector commanders of much of the authority they had previously exercised, according to the commander, concentrating decisions over troop deployments, finances and logistics in the hands of a centralized five-member committee directly tied to the Dagalo leadership. But even as the RSF leadership moved through the restructuring in an attempt to contain the crisis, the measures deepened the very fractures they were meant to suppress. Last week, the paramilitary group was hit by the defection of another influential Mahamid field commander, Ali “Savanna” Rizgallah. His departure, according to a senior RSF intelligence source in Nyala, dealt a major blow to the group’s northern and western logistical corridors and forced the immediate suspension of several operations along the Egypt-Libya-Sudan border triangle. A climate of suspicion now hangs over leadership circles in Nyala, the First Shield Brigade commander said, as fears grow over “silent dissent” and undisclosed understandings that could suddenly pull fighters away from frontline positions while the group prepares for major confrontations ahead. Meanwhile, on the ground, frustration is spreading through the ranks. An RSF fighter stationed in the Nyala sector said the rapid leadership reshuffles and tightened security restrictions have created deep mistrust between fighters and their commanders. The emergency measures and movement restrictions have delayed the delivery of salaries, food and medical supplies to units stationed in remote areas, the fighter said, eroding morale and weakening combat readiness at a time when airstrikes and operational pressure from the military continue to intensify. The latest fractures inside the RSF have also collided with growing resentment within tribal circles central to the paramilitary group’s political project in Darfur. An administrative official in the RSF-led parallel government in Nyala said anger has been growing in recent months over forced mobilization campaigns led by field commanders, particularly amid accusations that commanders failed to uphold promises made to local communities, including financial compensation agreements tied to recruitment According to the official, the RSF-led Tasis coalition has become increasingly concerned that abuses and tensions between field commanders and tribal communities could erode the tribal alliances underpinning its government. The recent restrictions imposed on field commanders were therefore also aimed at containing growing tribal anger and preventing further deterioration in relations with communities already grappling with collapsing public services as the administration’s resources are diverted to the war effort, the official added. *** Darfur’s Jebel Marra grapples with disease outbreaks Patients receiving care at a Doctors Without Borders facility in Jebel Marra, May 2023. Courtesy: Doctors Without Borders. Warnings over the spread of infectious diseases in Darfur’s displacement camps have drawn attention to the mounting humanitarian crisis inside Jebel Marra, where hundreds of thousands of people are trapped between collapsing healthcare services and near-total isolation. This week, the General Coordination of Displaced Persons and Refugees warned that overcrowded camps and villages across the mountain range are becoming breeding grounds for epidemics. Adam Regal, the group’s spokesperson, told Mada Masr that more than 200 suspected cases of mpox have recently been recorded across Jebel Marra, mostly among children. The coordination body also documented 259 suspected cases of whooping cough alongside dozens of additional infections linked to other epidemics. Regal described conditions in the area as “tragic,” citing the collapse of healthcare services and severe shortages of medicines and basic medical supplies. Three residents told Mada Masr fear is spreading among communities as infections increase with almost no functioning medical facilities to contain them. Fatma Adam, a mother living in the Diri area of Jebel Marra, said her child became infected with mpox before his condition rapidly deteriorated over several days. She searched desperately for treatment or even basic painkillers, but nearby health centers are shuttered and medicines are entirely unavailable, she said. Adam appealed to humanitarian organizations and health authorities to intervene before the outbreak spirals further out of control. But even if aid agencies attempt to reach the area, Jebel Marra’s isolation — owing to both its rugged geography and RSF-imposed restrictions — means only limited amounts of aid are likely to get through. Throughout the war, the mountainous region has served as one of Darfur’s major refuges for people escaping the violence, particularly from North Darfur. Shielded by difficult terrain and its distance from the war’s main frontlines, the area has absorbed repeated waves of displaced families. However, the region’s isolation is also one of its greatest vulnerabilities. Jebel Marra has been under the control of the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Abdel Wahid Nur for over two decades. Fearing the movement’s expanding military and political influence, the RSF tightened control over the main entrances and transit routes surrounding the area, imposing strict restrictions on trade as well as the flow of medicines and humanitarian supplies. As a result, aid deliveries have become almost entirely dependent on fragile informal arrangements and local understandings. As infections spread across the region, overcrowded camps with deteriorating sanitation systems and collapsing healthcare services are becoming increasingly exposed to wider outbreaks. Adiba al-Sayed, a physician specializing in internal medicine and epidemiology and a member of the preparatory committee of the Sudanese Doctors’ Syndicate , told Mada Masr that urgent intervention, including isolation measures, sterilization of supplies and access to clean water, has become a matter of life and death in Jebel Marra and across Darfur. *** UAE, Burhan representatives meet in Bahrain amid Egyptian-Turkish push for deescalation, sources skeptical of breakthrough Representatives of Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the United Arab Emirates met in Bahrain earlier this week to discuss de-escalation in the war on Sudan, according to an Egyptian official, an informed Emirati source and a Europe-based researcher informed on the diplomatic talks on Sudan. The meeting did not include high-level representation from either side, the Egyptian official said, noting that the talks were “exploratory.” The primary objective of the meeting, according to the informed Emirati source, “was to open a new chapter in relations with the UAE, under Bahraini auspices, following a period of strained relations between the two countries.” While a source close to Burhan did not confirm the meeting, he said backchanneling, “even during the most complex periods of military confrontation,” have never stopped. “These actions and contacts are being undertaken on the personal and individual initiatives of [private] individuals who are not officially authorized and do not possess any mandate or representative capacity from the Sudanese government or armed forces to open negotiating or political tracks,” the source said. “But Burhan is listening to them and is open to any option that ends the war.” The meeting was one of three held in recent weeks in the wake of a push by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in a meeting with Emirati President Mohamed bin Zayed on May 7 in Abu Dhabi, according to the Egyptian official. Just days before the Abu Dhabi talks, Khartoum struck out against Ethiopia over an attack on Khartoum that it said was carried out using Emirati drones launched from Ethiopian territory. Concerned by the implications of Ethiopia’s increased involvement in the conflict, Sisi was looking to de-escalate the conflict and offered a framework for a tentative agreement that would ensure a truce in Sudan, according to the official. Under the terms of the proposal, Sudan would drop its claims against the UAE in international forums and agree to a halt in fighting in return for an Emirati commitment to stopping Ethiopia-launched attacks and ensuring the RSF agrees to hold its current field position during any ceasefire, the official added. An Egyptian source involved in Cairo’s Sudan policy and the Europe-based researcher agreed that Egypt has pushed in recent weeks for a more reconciliatory approach between the UAE and the Sudanese government. The Egyptian sources and the researcher said that Turkey has played a crucial role in facilitating mediation given its significantly larger involvement in Sudan compared to Egypt’s. While international parties are trying to find margins for de-escalation, the source close to Burhan says that Sudan’s stance toward regional powers supporting the RSF is not a matter of backroom deals in which new conditions would be presented. “[Our conditions] are a declared sovereign position based on international legitimacy: an immediate and complete cessation of all forms of aggression, the severing of military and logistical supply lines to the militia, and absolute respect for Sudan’s sovereignty,” he said. However, according to the source close to Burhan, both Egyptian sources and the European researcher, there are serious doubts that the UAE would respect the conditions set out by international mediators or the Sudanese state. Egypt cannot work with the Emiratis on adopting a more reconciliatory attitude toward Burhan, the source informed of Egypt’s Sudan policy said. “From what I see, the Emiratis want the RSF to take over. They haven’t given up on a scheme where [former Prime Minister Abdalla] Hamdok or someone like Hamdok would be the new face of Sudan. They don’t trust Burhan. They disagree with Egypt’s attitude toward Burhan. They say he is an Islamist and they don’t like Islamists. They think that the battle between Burhan and Hemedti is not one on democracy or state establishment but a simple feud between two men who are equally bad but one is bad and submissive to them and the other is bad and submissive to the Saudis,” he said. While describing the initiative as still at the “very early stage” of a “long process,” the Egyptian official expressed skepticism that the efforts will go anywhere, even as he acknowledged that Egypt must continue to pursue de-escalation. “The Emiratis are not losing and they will not accept defeat in Sudan,” the source said, explaining that Egypt views Abu Dhabi’s willingness to engage with the proposal as a temporary measure to quell internal criticism over the UAE’s aggressive foreign policy in the wake of the war on Iran. “On a more long term, strategic positioning level, I think the UAE will not abandon its interests or plans for the Horn of Africa, or for Sudan in particular.” The source close to Burhan was more definitive. “We must be realistic. These meetings and consultations, which we held intensively in various such as Cairo, Manama, Switzerland, and Muscat — prior to the recent developments related to Iran — are no longer, in our estimation, truly effective and will neither advance nor hinder the course of the crisis, because they are simply going in circles and do not address the root of the problem,” the source said. “The stark truth that everyone avoids confronting is that parties like the American envoy, Massad Boulos, and even our brothers in Cairo, are fully aware of the extent and source of the UAE’s support for the RSF, but they do not want a direct confrontation with Abu Dhabi. They prefer to avoid facing this reality due to the entanglement of economic and political interests that bind them to it, rendering their diplomatic moves mere attempts to contain the crisis without the will to sever its supply lines.” Amid the pessimism, the source involved in Cairo’s Sudan policy told Mada Masr that Egypt is betting on the communication channel between Ankara and Abu Dhabi on several African issues, particularly Libya, the Sahel and the Sahara. “We will see what will come of that,” he said, “because we are not in a position to resist the Emirates alone.” According to the source close to Burhan, escalation is a more likely pathway, especially if relations between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi deteriorate further. “If that happens, the conflict will transcend our borders and turn into a direct and explicit clash between two opposing regional projects, and at that moment, the Sudanese military will find a strong and historical ally that possesses the necessary weight to support and assist it with all its might until it achieves complete victory and consolidates the foundations of the state,” the source said. *** Idris concludes foreign tour with last stop in Ankara Prime Minister Kamel Idris and Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz meet in Ankara, May 20. Photo: ANADOLU AGENCY/Ahmet Okur. Prime Minister Kamel Idris concluded a diplomatic tour this week that took him from the Vatican to London and Ankara, as the government intensified efforts to secure humanitarian support and advance its political agenda. In Ankara, Idris met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Wednesday at the Presidential Complex for extended talks on bilateral cooperation and Sudan’s humanitarian and reconstruction needs. According to the Turkish presidency, Erdogan reiterated Turkey’s support for Sudan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and stressed that Ankara “supports diplomatic efforts to establish a ceasefire and launch a comprehensive political process.” The Turkish president also pledged that humanitarian aid from his country would continue to increase. A senior Sudanese Cabinet official traveling with the delegation told Mada Masr that Sudan and Turkey agreed to organize an urgent air and sea bridge to deliver medical and humanitarian assistance, particularly in response to growing epidemics and severe medicine shortages in displacement camps and areas under military control. The talks also focused on economic cooperation and reconstruction efforts. According to the source, discussions centered on activating previously signed agreements related to reconstruction, the rehabilitation of the energy and electricity sectors, and facilitating exceptional banking and trade arrangements to secure strategic commodities. The two governments agreed to establish a joint ministerial committee tasked with overseeing the implementation of economic measures and coordinating diplomatic positions. According to the source, Idris also briefed Turkish officials on the government’s vision for the next political phase in Sudan. Turkey has significantly upgraded its involvement in Sudan following the fall of Fasher in October 2025, expanding its support for the Sudanese military. An Egyptian official told Mada Masr at the time that Ankara is pursuing in Sudan a strategy similar to the one it adopted in Libya in 2020 against the Libyan National Army — an intervention that effectively froze the war along distinct eastern and western spheres of influence and ultimately cemented Ankara’s influence in Tripoli. Idris’s Ankara visit followed a stop in the United Kingdom, where Idris traveled at the invitation of Oxford and Cambridge universities and delivered lectures outlining his government’s vision for peace. Alongside the academic appearances, the Sudanese delegation held a series of political, humanitarian and security meetings in London. *** Military retakes strategic South Kordofan supply corridor Following weeks of clashes that saw the area repeatedly change hands, the military moved back into Takma this week and reopened the road linking Dalang to Habila in eastern South Kordofan. The advance restores a key supply route to the military’s 54th Infantry Brigade in Dalang and reopens a corridor for humanitarian and commercial deliveries amid continued RSF attacks on convoys bound for the city. The military last captured Takma, which lies 7 km from Dalang, on May 6, but sustained RSF counterattacks eventually forced it out of the area days later. On Monday, the military, backed by allied forces, launched a new offensive from Habila and eastern parts of South Kordofan, a field source in the military-allied Baraa ibn Malik Brigades told Mada Masr. According to the source, the RSF and the allied Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North led by Abdel Aziz al-Hilu suffered heavy losses during the clashes, with several combat vehicles seized or destroyed. After linking up with the military’s 54th Infantry Brigade in Dalang, advancing forces continued operations across northern parts of the city on Tuesday and Wednesday, while reinforcing troop deployments at surrounding checkpoints, the source said. Videos released by military soldiers showed troops stationed in Takma and convoys carrying commercial goods entering Dalang and Kadugli as residents celebrated. Fighting continued across multiple axes in South Kordofan on Wednesday, the joint force of military-allied armed movements said. A former military officer told Mada Masr that both sides are now attempting to consolidate territorial control and secure supply routes before the start of the rainy season in June, when heavy rains typically slow troop movements and large-scale military operations. *** Military strike on busy market in West Kordofan kills, injures dozens of civilians The military carried out a series of drone strikes on the towns of Abu Zabad, Ghabish, Fula and Babanusa in West Kordofan on Monday and Tuesday, a military source and Abdel Magid Abdel Rahim, an official in the state’s civil administration, told Mada Masr. One of the strikes hit Ghabish’s main market on Tuesday. Abdel Rahim said 11 people were killed, while a former local official in the town estimated that the death toll exceeded 20, alongside dozens of injuries, several of which being critical. According to the former official, the drone strike targeted an RSF military vehicle stationed in a crowded area of the market. The vehicle belonged to a commander affiliated with the RSF and had arrived from Nuhud hours before the attack, they said. The Emergency Lawyers group condemned the attack, saying it took place during the market’s busiest hours, and confirmed casualty figures released by Tasis, the coalition leading the RSF’s parallel government in Darfur, which put the death toll at 28. In a statement, the coalition said the strike destroyed large sections of the market and caused extensive damage to nearby civilian properties. Following the attack, the RSF tightened security measures across Ghabish, shutting down the market and Starlink internet shops while detaining several young men accused of relaying coordinates to the military, according to the former official. The Emergency Lawyers group described the Ghabish market as one of the major commercial centers relied upon by hundreds of thousands of people across West Kordofan and neighboring areas for food and basic commodities. Subscribe to our Lens on Sudan newsletter here . The post Sudan Nashra: Military moves ahead with allied forces integration, Juba armed movements scramble to secure political guarantees | RSF introduces emergency internal measures across Darfur amid wave of defections | Darfur’s Jebel Marra grapples with disease outbreaks | UAE, Burhan representatives meet in Bahrain amid Egyptian-Turkish de-escalation push, sources skeptical of breakthrough first appeared on Mada Masr .