Azmi Bishara's book, ISIS: The March to Dystopia , published by I.B. Tauris/Bloomsbury in 2025, offers one of the most detailed studies of the rise and expansion of the Islamic State (IS/ISIS) group.
Adapted from an earlier Arabic study by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, the book draws on a wide range of Arabic sources rarely used in English-language writings on ISIS.
Instead of focusing solely on religious ideology, Bishara situates the group's rise within the context of the political and social crises that have plagued Iraq and Syria in recent decades.
The emergence of ISIS has often been explained by simplistic narratives. Some analyses have attributed it solely to Islamic extremism , while others have focused on sectarian conflicts or international conspiracy theories.
Bishara argues that these explanations are insufficient to understand the phenomenon. In his view, ISIS cannot be understood without examining the collapse of the political orders in Iraq and Syria, the impact of protracted wars, and the deep divisions that have formed within these societies.
The organisation did not emerge in a vacuum but rather arose in an environment characterised by state weakness, civil wars, and escalating sectarian tensions.
One of the book's central themes is an analysis of the transformations in modern jihadist thought. Bishara explains that the concept of jihad in Islamic history has held multiple meanings, but modern armed groups have reinterpreted it in narrower and more violent ways.
ISIS, in particular, has relied on selective readings of religious texts to justify its practices. These texts have often been quoted without regard for their historical context, with a focus only on passages that support the organisation's violent rhetoric.
From this perspective, the ideology adopted by ISIS is not a direct extension of traditional Islamic thought, but rather a modern political construct that uses religion to serve its agenda. Power in the vacuum The book also addresses ISIS's relationship with other jihadist groups, most notably al-Qaeda . Despite shared intellectual roots, the two organisations differed in their strategies and objectives.
Disagreements arose on several issues, including the treatment of Shia Muslim , the limits of declaring Muslims as infidels, and the declaration of an Islamic state.
These disputes reflect a broader struggle for leadership within the global jihadist movement. When ISIS declared its "caliphate" in 2014 , it sought to establish itself as the centre of this movement and compel other groups to pledge allegiance to it.
However, Bishara argues that ISIS's rapid rise was not so much a result of the organisation's strength as it was a consequence of the weakness of the surrounding states.
In Iraq, the 2003 US invasion dismantled the state's political and military institutions. The new political order also deepened sectarian divisions, leaving large segments of society feeling marginalised.
In Syria, the revolution that began in 2011 devolved into a devastating civil war , during which vast areas fell outside state control. In this political and security vacuum, armed groups found an opportunity to expand and compete for influence.
ISIS effectively exploited these circumstances. It built its power by controlling territory and securing various sources of funding, such as oil, taxes, smuggling, and extortion.
These resources helped finance military operations and recruit fighters from within and outside the region. But this economic model relied heavily on continuous expansion and perpetual warfare.
Without controlling new territory or sustaining the fighting, the organisation found it difficult to maintain its power. A dystopian order Daily life in ISIS — controlled areas also reveals the nature of its rule. Contrary to the notion that the organisation enjoyed widespread popular support, Bishara points out that many residents fled cities and towns as its forces advanced. Those who remained often had no other choice.
The organisation imposed strict restrictions on daily life, including dress, education, and public conduct. Its application of Sharia law focused primarily on punishments and social control, while fear and surveillance became key tools for controlling the population.
At the same time, ISIS invested heavily in propaganda and ideological production. Its publications and speeches were replete with religious citations in an attempt to provide religious legitimacy to its actions.
However, Bishara argues that these texts were used selectively and divorced from their true context. Instead of presenting a coherent religious vision, the organisation pieced together disparate fragments of religious discourse to justify its political project and present itself as the true defender of Islam.
Ultimately, the book ISIS: The March to Dystopia portrays the organisation as a product of several overlapping crises in Western Asia (Mashreq).
The collapse of state institutions, the devastation of war, and the rise of political sectarianism all contributed to creating the environment that allowed the organisation to emerge and expand.
According to Bishara, ISIS did not revive an authentic historical model of Islamic governance but rather produced a distorted and violent project that used religious symbols as a tool of power.
The book suggests that understanding ISIS requires more than just analysing its ideology; it also necessitates examining the political and social failures that allowed it to arise.
Without addressing these deep-seated problems, new forms of extremism may emerge in the future, even after the organisation's military defeat. Nerouz Satik is a PhD Candidate in Social Anthropology and a Doctoral Tutor at the University of Sussex, UK