In the central Gaza Strip city of Deir al-Balah , election posters are layered over cracked concrete walls, and conversations in markets shift between survival and politics.
After nearly two decades without local elections, the city is preparing to vote in what is being described as a rare democratic exercise in an otherwise fractured political landscape.
Unlike other parts of Gaza that have suffered extensive destruction during the latest Israeli genocidal war , Deir al-Balah has emerged relatively less devastated. Yet it is far from untouched. Its streets now host more than its usual population of around 75,000 residents, as waves of displaced families from northern and southern Gaza have reshaped the city's social and economic fabric.
On 25 April, residents are expected to vote in municipal elections widely seen as the first of their kind since 2005.
But beyond the technical process, the vote is being framed locally as a symbolic test: can a limited municipal experience reopen a door that has remained closed since political division hardened nearly two decades ago? A rare electoral moment in a city under strain Around 70,000 voters are registered for the Deir al-Balah elections, a small fraction of Gaza's 930,000 voters in 2021.
Officials acknowledge that the figure reflects disruptions caused by war, displacement, and the fragmentation of civil administration systems across Gaza.
Jamil al-Khalidi, regional director of the Central Elections Commission, told The New Arab the elections are part of a broader municipal cycle covering 420 local bodies in the occupied West Bank , with only Deir al-Balah participating in Gaza.
"The elections will be held on April 25 as part of a wider local governance process […] We had to adopt exceptional measures, including relying on civil registry data instead of traditional voter lists due to displacement and loss of records," he said.
"The system is based on closed electoral lists, each requiring at least 15 candidates, including a minimum quota of four women," he added.
"Voters will choose one list and then select five candidates within it. Around 12 polling stations and nearly 100 ballot boxes have been prepared across the city to ease access," he explained.
Deir al-Balah is holding an election in an environment still defined by instability. Infrastructure remains strained, municipal services are overstretched, and the city continues to absorb displaced families living in schools, tents, and unfinished buildings.
For many residents, the election is less about political renewal and more about whether any form of local governance can function under these conditions.
One of the most striking features of these elections is the absence of Hamas, which has governed Gaza since 2007.
Its non-participation, whether interpreted as strategic or circumstantial, has reshaped the political meaning of the vote.
A source with Hamas, speaking on condition of anonymity, told TNA that "Hamas's absence is neither accidental nor purely technical."
"This is a calculated withdrawal. It reflects the complex military and political environment, especially under ongoing war conditions and external pressures," he said.
"The movement's decision is mainly due to security concerns, as the ongoing occupation targets security and police infrastructure, making organising or supervising elections very risky," he added.
He explained that holding elections under current conditions cannot guarantee fairness or freedom of political activity, arguing that "the priority is protecting social stability and resilience, not entering a partial electoral process that could be exploited politically."
In this vacuum, four lists are competing: "Peace and Construction," "Deir al-Balah Unites Us," "Future of Deir al-Balah," and "Renaissance of Deir al-Balah."
While officially independent, most are locally perceived as loosely aligned with Fatah currents, including figures associated with both President Mahmoud Abbas and former leader Mohammed Dahlan.
Despite their emphasis on service delivery and non-partisanship, political identity remains difficult to separate from public perception.
Mohammed Abu Nasser, head of the "Peace and Construction" list, told TNA that "the focus is on practical governance."
"This stage requires solutions far from political polarisation," he said. "We are relying on expertise to address accumulated service failures."
Faten Harb, a candidate on the "Renaissance of Deir al-Balah" list, echoed similar sentiments.
"Our goal is transparency and improving services for marginalised groups," she said. "People care about water, roads, and sanitation, not slogans."
Still, scepticism persists among voters who view any political list through the lens of long-standing factional divisions. Mixed reactions among residents On the streets of Deir al-Balah, reactions to the elections range from cautious engagement to outright disillusionment.
Abu Ahmed Nassar, 45, recalls voting in the 2005 elections, when Hamas won a significant political breakthrough.
"I voted for Hamas' Change and Reform list […] We thought things would improve, that division would end," he told TNA .
"Instead, we got deeper division. Everything since then has been affected by it. I regret not just my vote, but the entire path we ended up on," he said.
For Umm Mohammed al-Bohaisi, 38, from Deir al-Balah, voting itself has lost meaning.
"I have never voted and I never will," she said. "All factions have caused us suffering. I don't see any difference between them anymore."
Others, like Abdul Qader Asaad, 27, see elections as disconnected from daily survival.
"People are thinking about food and safety, not politics," he said. "Even if elections happen, nothing will really change."
Abu Khaled, 52, expressed doubts that the process will even be completed.
"The situation is too unstable," he said. "There is no guarantee anything will continue under these conditions."
Yet a minority still views participation as necessary, even if symbolic.
Mustafa, 33, said he intends to vote. "If we stay outside the process, nothing changes," he said. "Maybe it is not enough, but it is a start." Security limits and political uncertainty The electoral process is unfolding under significant logistical and security constraints. Israeli restrictions have complicated the entry of essential materials such as ballot boxes, ink, and paper, forcing organisers to rely on alternative local arrangements.
Security remains another major challenge. With police infrastructure repeatedly targeted during the conflict, election organisers are relying on private security firms inside polling stations, while external areas are monitored through limited coordination mechanisms.
Residents remember past incidents like the 2024 attack on the municipal building that killed ex-mayor Diab al-Jarou, highlighting civic fragility.
Political analyst Wissam Afifa argues that the elections carry symbolic weight beyond municipal governance.
"They are an attempt to restore partial legitimacy to local political life," he said. "But their impact will remain limited without a comprehensive national electoral framework."
Hani al-Masri, another analyst from Ramallah, told TNA that "This does not address the core crisis, which is political division. Without national consensus, these efforts remain incomplete."
"The local electoral processes cannot substitute for a comprehensive political settlement," he said.
He argued that the absence of a unified national framework continues to limit the effectiveness and legitimacy of any partial electoral exercise, particularly in a context shaped by prolonged fragmentation between Gaza and the occupied West Bank .