The continental alliance faces a choice: acknowledge its broad diversity and expand, or define itself by historical differences.
(Angus Reid Global Scan) Natasha Moore – In 1959, Turkey first made its application to join what was then the European Economic Community (EEC). For 47 years, negotiations have been stalled, ceased and re-established as Turkey’s internal affairs and foreign policy hampered its compatibility with the European Union (EU).
The launch of membership talks between Turkey and the EU in October 2005 signified an important milestone for Turkey in terms of its political and economic achievements but also marked the first step in a lengthy process that will challenge lawmakers, reshape the nation’s political and social climate, and place its foreign policy relationships at the forefront.
Thus the road to EU membership remains long and is increasingly thwarted with deal-breaking hurdles. Turkey’s accession into the EU poses a number of hotly debated questions for the region, not the least of which center on the country’s balance between secular and religious institutions. The EU is a union based on values, not religion or religious difference. How Turkey moderates itself as a secular democracy—particularly while acknowledging Islam’s social and political history—is of interest to the wider EU community.
Importantly—for the EU—these questions are also forcing reflection on the very design and intent of the union and how it will be shaped in the years to come. Turkey’s negotiation is an important step for the EU in defining membership requirements. The question standing in the way enlargement is not if Balkan, East Mediterranean and former Soviet states should join, but in what regard they should be considered members.
The division over Turkey’s membership stems from different perceptions about the future of the EU and the impact a populous but poor county would have on its economic and political structure. Shaking off claims that opposition to Turkey’s membership is rooted in maintaining Europe’s "Christian club", Pierre Lequiller, chairman of the French National Assembly’s Committee on Europe, commented that the EU "must be a political union, an actor on the international game" and as such should "offer Turkey a privileged partnership" rather than full membership.
This concept has been supported by other major players, including Germany’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) leader Angela Merkel—before she became chancellor. However, offering varying levels of membership or creating a ‘pick and choose’ union may bring increased instability and dilute political strength. ‘Neighbourhood’ or ‘proximity’ membership is currently showing more failings than success, with hopeful accession countries receiving substantial aid, but revealing little substantive progress. It is perhaps an indication that countries want into the club with not half of the carrot—but all of it.
Providing an opposing view, Giles Merritt, editor-in-chief or Europe’s World maintains that the EU must respond to a changing world and Turkey—as a moderate Islamic state—would provide a vital link between the Middle East and Europe.
The views of European citizens differ substantially, according to the Eurobarometer released last December. Albania and Turkey are the only two countries to which a majority of EU citizens oppose membership being granted, at 50 per cent and 55 per cent respectively. Importantly, within Turkey support for accession into the EU has declined from 66 per cent in spring 2005 to 52 per cent in autumn 2005.
In our constantly changing global environment, political and economic unions must embrace flexibility and respond openly to the emerging democracies in their midst. The debate for Europe now is not how it maintains the intent of the union, but how it manages enlargement. Europe needs not to define itself by historical differences, but acknowledge its broad diversity and utilize this as an instrument by which it seeks expansion.